More than a year since fighting broke out, life in the conflict-ridden Amhara Regional State remains uncertain and unforgiving for millions of its residents. Countless stories of suffering and injustice remain untold. The Reporter Magazine traveled to various parts of the region, including Gojjam, Gondar, Wello, and Shewa, to witness firsthand the hardship and suffering being endured by civilians caught in the crosshairs of an underreported conflict. These are their accounts:
The iconic road winding past St. George’s Cathedral in Bahir Dar stands today as a shadow of its former self. The lakeside city’s main boulevard, a regular feature of television broadcast footage, is almost unrecognizable; the asphalt has been dug up as part of the administration’s ‘corridor development project’ and the walkways are filled with the displaced, begging passersby for alms.
Bahir Dar has been transformed for the worse as the Amhara Regional State marks fifteen months under the suffocating reality of violent conflict. The city has become the closest thing to a safe haven for those fleeing the fighting, and people continue to pour in from the surrounding countryside in droves.
Its once pristine high street is now a living, breathing testament to the cost of war, with each corner harboring a tale of tragedy and loss. The changes were apparent during The Reporter Magazine‘s recent visit to Bahir Dar.
On one side of the road, young men and women could be seen soliciting passersby, trying to sell air tickets to Addis Ababa. They likely do not need to make much of a sales pitch, as road transportation to and from the region has become virtually impossible.
On the side opposite, two young girls sit waiting for customers in need of a shoeshine.
Tadila Awoke, 17, and her friend Elsa, 15, arrived in Bahir Dar three months ago. They traveled to the regional capital from Ibnat, a district in South Gondar—an area wracked by armed conflict between the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) and Fano.
Both Tadila and Elsa are students in the ninth grade, but the last time either of them saw the inside of a classroom was in September 2023. They and their peers had only just embarked on their high-school education at Adugnaw Worku Secondary School in Ibnat when the fighting broke out and their school was forced to close.
The situation is not unique to Tadila and Elsa.
Officials from the Ministry of Education recently told Parliament that the Amhara region accounts for 98 percent of nearly 7,000 schools nationwide that have had to shut their doors due to violent conflict, disease, or natural disasters.
“We waited over a year for our school to reopen, but it seems like a distant dream now. We had to leave our home and come to Bahir Dar to make a living,” said Tadila.
She and her friend made their journey from Ibnat during the rainy season, and now they support themselves working as full-time shoe shiners—an unusual occupation for girls or women in Ethiopia.
“Our days revolve around this street. We leave our small rented room early in the morning and return in the evening. This is our new reality,” Tadila said with a heavy heart.
The 17-year-old has more on her young mind than being unable to attend school or eking out a living away from their parents. Tadila fears for the safety of her parents in Ibnat, an area that has seen some heavy clashes and local government officials abandoning their posts to fend for themselves.
Still, Tadila says she feels fortunate compared to others who have suffered even worse fates.
Among their number could be counted a 15-year-old boy who also spends his days on the street where Tadila and Elsa shine shoes.
He shared his harrowing experiences with The Reporter.
A deacon, the boy used to attend lessons in a seminary under St. George’s Church in the town of Adet, located in North Gojjam, about an hour’s drive south of Bahir Dar.
His religious education came to a screeching halt on a fateful night in August, 2023, when he witnessed seven of his friends killed in cold blood.
He vividly recalls the night of the attack.
“They came to our dormitories [huts] at night. A gunshot woke us up. We instinctively ran away. The next morning, we learned that seven of our friends had been killed,” he told The Reporter Magazine.
Tragically, such incidents are not uncommon in the region. The young deacon told The Reporter Magazine that he knows of a similar incident in Biraqit, where 14 teenagers attending lessons in a seminary under Biraqit Gabrel Church were killed by soldiers. In May 2023, over 570 monks and other laity were massacred in Debre EliasMonastery, southeast Gojjam, during a government military operation.No one has been held accountable for all these crimes.
Fate had yet more tragedy in store for the young boy haunted by the traumatic experience of witnessing his friends’ extrajudicial killings. The week before he shared his testimony with The Reporter Magazine, he learned that an uncle had been shot dead by armed men.
He says the soldiers who killed his uncle were wearing the same uniforms he had seen on that terrible night in the seminary.
“My beloved uncle was a simple farmer, far removed from politics. He was tending to his cattle when he was killed. I don’t understand why they targeted him. Perhaps they suspected him because of the ‘Azena Gojjame’ clothing he wore. I don’t know. What I know is that he was a kind man, and his loss has deeply affected our family,” he said.
Adet is one of many areas in the region that have witnessed extrajudicial killings and drone attacks on civilian population, according to the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC).
“Civilians bear the brunt of the suffering during armed conflict and as a result of human rights violations committed in the context of conflict,” reads the Commission’s annual human rights situation report presented to Parliament in late May 2024.
This suffering is what pushed the young deacon to Bahir Dar in hopes of finding safety.
“I fear for my life. I’m young, and I want to live,” he said.
However, Bahir Dar has not offered him the opportunities he sought. He now hopes to seek a better life in Addis Ababa.
“I’ve contacted some old friends who live there. They work as lottery ticket vendors. I know things are tough there too. I learned that my friends were detained as part of the recent mass-arrests targeting people from the Amhara region. But I believe it’s still a better option,” he told The ReporterMagazine. “The challenge is getting there. Bus travel through ‘Abay Berha’ is risky, and airfare is too expensive.”
Countless others, their faces etched with sorrow, languish in Bahir Dar, whose streets offer them a modicum of safety and economic opportunity. The situation is far more perilous even just a few kilometers outside the regional capital, where, in any direction, the dark realities of violent conflict are plain to see.
Shifting Realities
Living conditions for civilians in the Amhara region vary greatly depending on the area in question, and who is in charge. In larger urban centers like Bahir Dar, regional Prosperity Party officials maintain control over governance. The military exerts significant influence in mid-sized towns, and Fano combatants hold sway over smaller settlements and the countryside. There are also areas under the control of other armed groups, including bandits.
Journeying through the region is tricky at best and deadly at worst. Travelers are subject to endless security checks along roads, often having their identification and belongings inspected by both Fano and military personnel along the way.
It is not uncommon for the two groups to set up checkpoints within a kilometer of one another. These checkpoints are a source of significant inconvenience and anxiety for travelers. Military personnel often target young individuals with specific hairstyles, while older, better-established adults are more likely to draw attention from Fano militia. The latter refer to them as ‘Yemengist Serategna’, which translates literally to ‘civil servants’, but carries a heavier connotation.
Fano militia levy tolls on vehicles passing through their checkpoints, charging between 200 birr for minibuses to 2,000 birr for heavy trucks. The Reporter observed receipts being provided for the toll fees in some places.
Government officials travel with extensive security escorts in towns or between them. The Reporter witnessed heavily guarded convoys ferried officials between Gashena and Woldiya, particularly in the vicinity of Dilb, where a large military camp is stationed.
The military has established a significant presence in the rugged landscape of Wello, with a series of checkpoints and tight security measures. Officials traveling through are escorted by a large number of soldiers, often with their faces covered. This level of security, while unusual to outsiders, is not surprising to local residents.
The scenes resemble something out of a Hollywood war flick.
Small and medium-sized towns appear all but bereft of civilian administration, and their former vibrancy has been replaced with an atmosphere of caution and suspicion.
In many places, local officials have abandoned their posts in rural areas for the relative safety of urban centers. Even so, government offices lie almost empty, and public transportation is lethargic. Residents in these areas rush home at sundown and a 6:30 PM curfew applies to all transport.
Dessie, the largest urban center in South Wollo, stands out as a relatively calm place compared to elsewhere in the conflict-ridden Amhara region. Businesses there are operating relatively normally, and although the city may seem undisturbed on the surface, the violence is nonetheless taking its toll on its residents.
Dessie relies on supplies from Addis Ababa for manufactured goods and on its surroundings for agricultural products. A small-business owner told The ReporterMagazinethat disruptions in transportation have severely curtailed the availability of goods in the market, as well as raised prices for consumers.
“It’s risky to travel even a short distance outside the city. My friend couldn’t attend his uncle’s funeral in a village a few kilometers away due to security concerns,” she said.
The stories coming out of Debre Tabor in South Gondar and Debre Birhan in North Shewa are similar.
“Children living in town can’t even come to bury their parents,” said a senior citizen residing on the outskirts of Debre Tabor.
Under Military Rule
In towns controlled by the ENDF, residents are comparatively safer from the threat of gunfire, but they face other frustrations that come with martial law. The military continues to exert significant influence over decision-making in local affairs, even in the months following the end of the state of emergency declared last August.
Several people residing in towns under ENDF control told The ReporterMagazinethat serious mistreatment is not uncommon.
Wereta is a small but strategically important town on the junction of the roads connecting Bahir Dar, Gondar, and Debre Tabor. It is home to one of the country’s dry ports, and, of late, an atmosphere of fear and deep suspicion.
Wereta’s residents were reluctant to speak to The Reporter about the struggles of living under military control.
“You cannot discuss these topics lightly. You never know who you’re talking to. Silence is the safest option,” one said.
Those who were willing to speak out expressed their frustration with the current state of affairs.
“Military officers dominate decision-making. The civilian administration remains weak and ineffective. People feel powerless and are often subjected to mistreatment by soldiers,” said one resident, who works as a lawyer.
The Lawyer revealed that 40 local business owners have been abducted since the conflict began. Their whereabouts remain unknown.
Other residents told The ReporterMagazineWereta’s civilian population is subject to random searches in the dead of night.
“[The soldiers] do nothing during the day. At midnight, they come to your home. They surround ordinary people’s homes with heavy military trucks and artillery. They search homes. They take men. We feel our boys and husbands are next,” said one resident.
A civil servant working with women and children said he was detained for nearly two weeks without an explanation.
“No one told us why we were detained,” he said.
He suspects that a local intelligence network, possibly linked to the civil administration, is targeting individuals for arbitrary detention.
“If someone has a personal grudge against you, they can easily accuse you of supporting Fano and get you arrested,” he said. “Even family members are afraid to visit detainees, fearing they could become targets themselves.”
According to information from the local branch office of Ethiopian Human Rights Commission, graves of people were found months ago on the Woreta Secondary School grounds, which has been converted into a military camp.
The Lawyer shared the details of an incident that had become the talk of the town.
“Soldiers raided a house at midnight, ordering the husband to leave while they detained his wife and children inside. The husband was left outside, unaware of what was happening. When he asked the soldiers to move his family outside while they conducted their search, he was beaten severely,” said the lawyer.
The victim, Mekuanint Hailu, is a local maize trader. He remains in custody.
A member of the Judges’ Association in Amhara Regional State, who requested anonymity, says that incidents like these take place outside the formal justice system, indicating that judges hear about them through media reports, like anyone else.
“From a legal perspective, searches like these should be conducted during daylight hours. The reports we’re hearing severely undermine the legal process,” said the Judge.
Sexual violence has also become a disturbing reality, according to residents.
“Recently, a married woman with children was gang-raped by eleven soldiers. The trauma of the assault has left her deeply disturbed, and she is now seeking spiritual healing. It took significant effort to remove the perpetrators from the town and replace them with other soldiers,” said the Lawyer.
Crimes like these are the jurisdiction of military courts, not civil ones, according to the Judge.
The Reporter Magazine’s attempt to further investigate this specific rape case was unsuccessful. However, similar cases are frequent, as confirmed by the local branch of the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission. Numerous rape victims in the town have been identified, with soldiers as the perpetrators. Local NGOs, such as Center of Concern Ethiopia provide material and counseling support to victims.
Elsewhere in the region, people have been living with armed conflict and military control for nearly four consecutive years.
Gashena is a strategic town in North Wollo, linked by road to Lalibela, Dessie, and Gondar. The town has been a battleground since the northern war, changing hands between the ENDF and Tigray Peoples’ Liberation Front (TPLF) several times between 2020 and 2022.
Today, it is caught in the middle of yet another brutal conflict.
“We’ve seen a lot,” said a young adult who lives in Gashena.
ENDF currently controls the town, and soldiers can be seen in the vicinity. However, Fano forces are active in the surrounding countryside and occasionally conduct operations within Gashena’s limits, according to residents.
Fear, distrust, and hopelessness permeate the town.
“We were victims of the northern war, and now our situation is even worse,” one of them said.
“We can’t do business freely, and people are being abducted at night,” another told The Reporter Magazine.
At the time The Reporter Magazinevisited Gashena, approximately 70 of its residents, including 15 schoolteachers, had reportedly been abducted by soldiers for alleged ties to Fano.
“You never know when your turn will be,” said one resident, who, until recently, ran a small business sourcing and selling agricultural products. His wife used to run a small tea shop.
Today, they are both unemployed.
“I can’t continue my work as the area where I sourced products is now a conflict zone. My wife tried to keep her tea shop running, but it became unsustainable. Soldiers would come in large numbers and consume without paying. Some claimed they deserved free food while some others politely said they didn’t have money and made empty promises,” he told The Reporter Magazine.
Fears over the risk of sexual harassment and violence also hastened the couple’s decision to close up shop, according to the Husband. They and their two children now live with his parents as they can no longer afford to pay rent.
No Man’s Land
Conditions are even more dire in areas outside the control of either of the belligerents. In places like the outskirts of Debre Tabor, lawlessness has become a way of life. Here, bandits and thieves hold sway, and anyone can fall victim to crime and violence, as a senior priest, found out the hard way.
He was brutally assaulted and robbed on the threshold of the church where he also serves as a priest.
“I went to the town market to sell my ox and rushed back to the church for a liturgy without depositing the money in the bank. As I arrived at the church gate, someone struck me from behind, covering my face. I don’t remember what happened next. I woke up in the hospital,” he recounted.
The Farmer-Priest sold his ox for 30,000 birr that day. Needless to say, he did not wake up with the money in his possession.
Other residents say no official efforts were made to apprehend the perpetrator, and the lack of consequences only encourages others to take up a life of crime. The crime-riddled environment has bred an atmosphere of fear and mistrust.
“Many have already experienced similar ordeals. My 76-year-old father was brutally beaten while on his way to church,” another resident told The Reporter Magazine.
Village residents say they cannot identify the thieves as no one has ever glimpsed their faces. Being perceived as having money, according to the residents, is akin to walking around with a target on your back.
“Creating wealth is no longer desirable in our situation. Having money makes you a target,” said a Merchant.
The area is not under the full control of either the military or Fano, leaving its residents vulnerable to crime.
Under Fano Control
“In neighboring areas controlled by Fano, we hear that people can leave their cattle unattended without fear of theft because no one dares to steal fearing the brutal measures by the Fano combatants,” a resident in one of the rural villages in the outskirts of Debre tabor said comparing his village’s experience with that of his neighboring villages.
There have been reports of Fano forces taking harsh measures against robbery in places like Debre Zebit, located between NefasMewcha and Gashena. The measures include amputation, according to local sources.
Another resident around Chacha in North Shewa also echoed the same views. “Our areas is currently under the control of Fano combatants. We do not have problems related to justice. In fact, they impose a relatively higher land tax when compared to what we used to pay before. Our serious problem is schools have long been closed and fights can breakout anytime,” he said.
However, not all groups claiming to be Fano share the same goals or operate in the same way. In other areas, residents perceive these groups as little more than extortionists, constantly demanding food and supplies from local communities.
“They come at night, wake us up, and demand food, often rejecting what we can offer. Some of them have certain standards for the food they want, as if they’d contributed anything” a woman from Ferenjwuha, a rural village near the city of Gondar, told The Reporter Magazine. “More than 50 people in our area claim to be Fano, and they carry guns. We’re worried, especially about how we can peacefully do our work in the upcoming harvest season.”
Furthermore, drone strikes have become a terrifying reality for civilians in Fano-controlled areas. The Amhara Association of America (AAA), a US-based non-profit civic organization, investigates and documents human rights violations in the context of the Ethiopian conflict. According to their report, between October 16, 2023, and May 12, 2024, there were 53 confirmed deadly drone strikes across 35 incidents, resulting in 551 civilian casualties (433 deaths and 118 injuries). These attacks continue to claim innocent lives.
Under Amhara PP
In major cities like Bahir Dar, Gondar, Dessie, and Debre Berhan, the Amhara Prosperity Party maintains relative control. While these cities are largely free from direct armed conflict and intimidation, a sense of fear and uncertainty persist. Officials often travel with heavy security.
The Reporter witnessed mid-level officials of the region moving accompanied by heavily-armed guards within the compound of the regional education bureau in Bahir Dar.
These cities, while not directly affected by the conflict, have experienced indirect consequences. The city’s hospitality industry, once its lifeblood, has been significantly impacted.
A hotel manager near Lake Tana described just how bad the violence has been for business.
“Our 48-room hotel has only two guests tonight. This has been the situation for almost a year now,” said the Manager. “Only a handful of hotels, perhaps five, are doing well. They primarily cater to government officials and organizations. The rest of the hotels are struggling to survive. Many owners have left the city due to security concerns and the lack of business.”
The situation and the lack of income from tips and the service charge levied on guests is forcing many hotel employees to quit their jobs in search of something better.
The Manager observes hotel owners keep their business running by tapping into other revenue streams.
In some towns, business owners are often targeted for arrest on allegations of supporting Fano. Others are the subject of demands for ‘contributions’ to the government’s war chest.
“Businesses are already struggling and these demands have continued. It’s like a well that will eventually run dry if you keep drawing water without replenishing it,” said a Businessman in Bahir Dar.
Like Bahir Dar, the city of Gondar appears relatively unscathed by the war, with businesses there operating as usual.
The city’s historic sites are undergoing renovations under an initiative led by the Office of the Prime Minister. But, like elsewhere in the Amhara region, Gondar’s seemingly tranquil surface hides something much darker underneath.
Residents share stories of hardship and disappointment, including an alarming trend of disappearances and kidnappings.
An elderly woman whose nephew is missing spoke to The Reporter Magazine about the dangers lurking in Gondar.
“He recently sold a house he inherited, and that made him a target. We don’t know where they’ve taken him,” she said.
Those perceived as wealthy or having relatives abroad are often targeted.
“You can’t tell who’s who. These guys use troop transport vehicles without license plates, making it difficult to distinguish between government forces and other armed individuals,” said the elderly woman.
Another resident stated with conviction that government security forces are involved in these crimes.
Months ago, a mother and her daughter were killed in this town after resisting a home invasion by robbers.
“In the case of Mebrat Kidanemariam and her daughter Beamlak Abraham, the kidnappers were identified. One of them, a traffic police officer named Awoke, was found to have 30 million birr in his bank account. One of his family members had 18 million. You can guess his salary as a traffic police,” he said.
The Gondar City Administration Security Council also confirmed that government security forces were engaged in the crime against the mother and daughter.
A tragic incident occurred a few months ago when a three-year-old child was kidnapped for ransom. Despite the family paying the ransom, the child’s lifeless body was found at their doorstep the next morning.
People took to the streets in response to this horrific crime, and security forces opened fire on the protestors, resulting in three deaths. The families of the victims are still seeking justice.
Still, there are those who say the city is in a better state than it was a few months ago.
A retired police officer from Gondar is among those with a more positive outlook. He previously served in Metemma and had firsthand experience in the conflict.
“I retired early due to the deteriorating situation,” he said. ‘The government has made significant strides in controlling the situation compared to last year. They’ve taken action against officials who were suspected of double-dealing.”
The Ex-Officer believes that the removal of corrupt officials in Western Gondar, including in Metemma, has helped alleviate some of the problems.
“Just a few months ago, we couldn’t have this conversation openly. The situation has improved significantly, thanks to the government’s efforts,” he said.
However, he acknowledged the limitations.
“I wouldn’t dream of going to Metemma. It’s too risky,” he conceded.
The probability of risk demonstrated by the heavy military and police presence in and around Gondar Atse Tewodros Airport. Other residents are less certain about the future.
“We’re all confused and don’t know who to turn to for help,” said a Banker in Gondar, whose colleague has been detained by government forces for unknown reasons.
The Reporter’s attempts to interview the city’s mayor, Chalachew Dagnew, for his views on the Gondar’s living conditions and the status of its ongoing ‘corridor development project’ were unsuccessful.
Up in the Air
Most of the Amhara region lives in uncertainty; no one seems to know what will happen next, where it will happen, or when. Volatility and unpredictability rule, and the important things have become an afterthought.
The conditions have made it difficult to plan and execute even the most ordinary of daily routines.
“It’s risky to travel far from home, as roads can be blocked due to a sudden outbreak of conflict. It’s best to stay close to home and avoid unnecessary travel,” said a resident of a rural village near Chacha in North Shewa.
She told The Reporter the market in the area, Hamus Gebeya, has been shut down for over a year.
“We can only wait and see what the future holds,” she said.
Meanwhile, the two sides in the conflict are busy pointing fingers at one another.
The government blames Fano for disrupting education and commerce, while Fano warns people about the risks of gathering in public spaces, cautioning they can be the targets of drone attacks of heavy artillery.
“We’re afraid. We no longer send our kids [anywhere],” said the Village Resident.
The government continues to deploy young soldiers to the region, with numerous reports of forced conscription in recent weeks. The woman from the village near Chacha, who happens to belong to the Oromo ethnic group, described a recent experience when she helped her nephew evade forced recruitment.
“The young soldiers from southern Ethiopia who were stationed in our village said: ‘The Oromo fight not to lose Arat Kilo, the Amhara fight to reclaim it, but we don’t know why we’re here.’ Recently, around 14 young soldiers were captured while attempting to flee the battlefield,” the woman told The Reporter.
Fano forces often claim to have captured many of these conscripts.
But the fighting goes on, and the longer it goes on, the more likely either side is to lose popular support.
Support for the military appears to be waning across the Amhara region, as reports of mistreatment and collective punishment weigh heavily on public opinion. Similarly, support for Fano appears to be declining amid reports of internal division among Fano leaders.
The constant shifting of control from one side to the other has fostered an atmosphere of volatility, with civilians bearing the brunt of the conflict.
“The military often loses ground to Fano forces in the surrounding areas. Right after the two parties engage in battles, civilians often find themselves caught in the crossfire. After a clash, government soldiers go door-to-door, interrogating residents about the whereabouts of the Fano fighters. Innocent civilians always pay the price,” a senior citizen residing near the town of Debre Birhan in North Shewa noted.
Millions of students across the region have no way of attending schools, while farmers struggle to tend to their crops and cattle amid the fighting and drone attacks. Businesses are struggling to get by, many forced to close, and residents are doing all they can to leave their homes and livelihoods behind in the search for safety.
“Only those of us who have nowhere else to go remain here. Many who could afford to have left for Bahir Dar or Addis Ababa. We don’t know what the future holds. No one is truly free,” said the Lawyer in Woreta.
“It feels like we’re stuck in July, even though it’s already sunny November,” the elderly woman in Gondar said, highlighting the gloomy situation in the city.
For Tadila, the young deacon from Adet, the elderly woman in Gondar whose nephew is missing, the Priest who was attacked in front of his church, the young man and his wife in Gashena who worry about how to feed their children, the business people like Mekuanint who remains in government detention, the disappointed villagers of Ferenjwuha, and millions of others like them, everything remains up in the air.
These stories are just a glimpse into the broader human suffering caused by the conflict across the region. Many more remain unheard.
Human rights defenders advocate for independent investigations into the atrocities and civilian harm being committed in the Amhara region. Concerned experts advocate for greater engagement of the international community in the underreported conflict in the Amhara region, noting that such a crisis in a populous nation in the Horn of Africa has significant regional and global implications. As the saying goes, ‘weak states are more dangerous than strong nations.’
Note from the Editor:
The names of most respondents are withheld for safety reasons. We chose to present the voices of ordinary citizens directly, without interpretation, as we believe our readers need to understand the situation firsthand. We believe that the realities on the ground and the number of casualties are still underreported. Furthermore, we believe that the full picture remains undisclosed, and the public deserves a clearer understanding beyond mere blind affections or hate. The Reporter Magazine strives to engage with all willing stakeholders in its upcoming coverage of the conflict in the Amhara Regional State.
