Mustafa Mohamed Omar, widely known as Mustafe, is a key figure in Ethiopia’s political landscape following the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) era. As the president of the Somali regional state and a member of the Prosperity Party (PP), Mustafe has become synonymous with Ethiopia’s post-reform era.
is personal journey is one marked by tragedy, having been exiled and tragically losing his family under the previous regime. However, what strikes those who know Mustafe is his remarkable capacity for forgiveness, a principle that has become his ultimate weapon in addressing the ethnic, security, and political challenges facing Somalia.
Under Mustafe’s leadership, Somali has undergone a significant transformation, transcending its previous marginalization and stepping into the forefront of the central political sphere.
His leadership has proved to be exemplary when it comes to preventing perilous signals of xenophobia in the Regional State, amidst rising ethnic tension in the current political landscape.
When compared to both current and former Ethiopian government officials, Mustafe stands out for his liberal stance, unwavering belief in Ethiopia’s unity, and deep commitment to human rights concerns. However, it is important to note that his perspectives and recommendations, like those of many ruling party officials, closely align with the principles of PP.
While Mustafe’s approach to navigating Ethiopia’s multi-faceted challenges showcases his exceptional qualities, it remains firmly grounded within the ideological framework of his political affiliation. The Reporter’s Ashenafi Endale has caught up with Mustafe.
During your time in exile prior to the regime change in April 2018, were you in touch with the change agents on the ground, or were you brought on board after the winds of change swept through the nation?
I was out of the country for almost 11 years, but I was out in body, not in mind. I knew what was going on in the country. So, while in exile, I was also trying to expose human rights violations in Ethiopia and the region to the world.
Then, in 2018, I came back and joined the reform team.
Your remarkable success in establishing peace and stability in Somalia stands in stark contrast to the xenophobic undercurrents of ethnic conflicts that plagued the region prior to your assumption of the regional presidency. Could you share with us the steps you have taken to build enduring institutions that will safeguard these hard-earned achievements, ensuring that they continue to thrive even in your absence?
The achievements were not brought by an individual but by a collective team work. We cannot completely say that we are in a good footing as far as building institutions are concerned. I feel the reforms will continue regardless of my presence there.
While I have contributed as a leader, it is essential to acknowledge the collective effort involved. We have received leadership, support, and guidance from the federal government, both at the government level and as a party.
In your pursuit of an Ethiopia free from the divisiveness of ethnic strife and united as a nation, has your party been successful in achieving this vision?
Because of the steps taken by PP at least, at the level of articulation, a lot has changed in the last five years. We have come away from the hate politics and efforts have been made to show that while there are ethnic and religious differences, the bigger national question or identity belonging to one country should be emphasized.
And I think recent trainings organized by the PP also show that there is an understanding that the two polar opposites of our national political discourse, which is ethnic extremism versus also what sometimes is referred to be centralized kind of state. I think the discourse should be a balance that recognizes ethnic differences and rights but also which emphasizes collective prosperity and unity.
I think the steps that have been taken so far are encouraging, but of course the reform is facing challenges from the forces who do not accept the reform or on the direction that has been taken.
While the 2018 power transition in Ethiopia was initially marked by a peaceful transfer of power, subsequent events have seen the country grappling with conflicts and war. What factors, in your view, contributed to this unfortunate turn of events?
I believe that the conflicts we have witnessed following the reform can be attributed to the political culture of the country. Additionally, it is not uncommon for transitional systems to face challenges. Therefore, the transfer of power was a significant event. It is understandable that those who lost power would challenge the new ruling party.
In my opinion, it was inevitable for conflicts to arise between the new political leadership and the outgoing forces of power. This conflict can be explained by the reluctance of the previous regime to peacefully relinquish power and the new leadership’s desire to consolidate their authority.
Observers have noted that the PP united to combat the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) but is now experiencing internal disintegration after their victory. What is your take on this viewpoint?
I believe that the main constituent members of the PP (Prosperity Party) remain intact. The previous four parties, excluding the TPLF (Tigray People’s Liberation Front), along with other regional parties, merged to form the PP. We are now united under one party.
So it is safe to say that the party has not disintegrated. While there have been individuals who have left positions of power, it is important to note that these individuals are not limited to a specific region.
During the formation of the party and within the first one or two years, individuals from various regions such as Somali, Oromia, Amhara, and the South chose to leave the PP.
However, I do not perceive the level of disintegration you mentioned. It is expected for some people to be dissatisfied and leave during the party’s formation.
In your opinion, could the conflict in northern Ethiopia have been prevented if the PP had engaged and included the TPLF? If not, what contributed to the inability to reach a resolution?
It is undoubtedly easier to reflect on past events and make judgments in hindsight. With the benefit of hindsight, we can speculate on what could have happened or not.
However, it is important to acknowledge that, at the time, the prevailing mentality and the presence of various forces actively seeking to create conflict in the country made it incredibly challenging to avoid the conflicts that arose.
Following the war in the north, the Somali Special Forces played a crucial role in holding off al-Shabab and filling the security vacuum created by the relocation of the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF). Can you confirm if the ENDF has since returned to the Somali border areas, particularly considering reports of the restructuring of the Special Forces?
The threat posed by Al-Shabab always remains present, particularly due to a dysfunctional system on the other side. However, the federal security forces and national defense forces are consistently stationed along the border, and the reformed Somali police also provide support. So, we are confident in our ability to prevent al-Shabab from infiltrating Ethiopia. Nevertheless, we maintain a state of constant vigilance and readiness to respond to any potential attacks.
The threat persists as long as a terrorist group exists at our border, with a clear motive and interest to destabilize Ethiopia. Therefore, it would be inaccurate to claim that there is no threat. However, we have confidence in the capabilities of our security forces.
With the ongoing African Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS) withdrawal set to conclude by the end of 2024, do you anticipate an escalation of al-Shabab attacks targeting Ethiopia?
Yes. I think the threat level will increase if the African Peacekeeping mission departs without being replaced by another force. I believe we should consider that factor in our plan and prepare for the outcome.
Does Ethiopia’s relationship with Somaliland have a positive impact on its relationship with Somalia as a whole, or does it create tensions between the two?
I do not know how our relationship with Somaliland can affect our relationship with Somalia because the Somalia government and Ethiopian government have never disagreed on the security cooperation and business ties we have with Somaliland.
According to certain observers, recognizing Somaliland as an independent state could potentially result in the establishment of a puppet government or a state vulnerable to extremist influence. What are your thoughts on this?
I honestly wouldn’t want to speculate on something that is not on the table right now.
I believe Ethiopia’s interest is in dealing with peaceful and united Somalia and Ethiopia can only play positive role in ensuring that the conflict in Somalia both communal and political conflicts as well as the one related to Al-Shabab are resolved in a peaceful and a through processes led by Somalian’s themselves.
Under the previous EPRDF regime, the Somali region experienced marginalization compared to other regional states. However, can we confidently assert that the Somali region is now at the center of Ethiopia’s political landscape solely based on the representation of Somali officials in federal positions?
No, we are not at the center yet. But having good representation at the center is a good beginning. What changed is the fact that until 2018 when the reform came, the prevailing mind set in the Somali region has been very negative to the center. From endless human rights violations to marginalization, the people have suffered.
So, any person who wants to be honest about the feelings on that part of the country know that the Somali’s where not happy to the extent of many openly saying we were not Ethiopians.
I believe in the last five years that has also changed and it has changed not only among the public but also related with peace, freedom of speech, human rights and some significant developments. This is because the leadership has now clearly articulated the Somali’s interest in Ethiopian politics. Instead of sitting on the fence of the periphery, we should be part of the center as we are Ethiopians and we should do what is expected of us as citizens.
In that regard, I think there is a marked change on the mentality of politicians and elites. Now there is a clear direction that we should be part of the central politics. The Minister of Finance is a Somali and we also have a representation in Addis Ababa city administration for the very first time including the deputy speaker.
Therefore, these shows that we are making progress.
For me, these all are good beginnings, but to say that and to be at the center, we need a lot to do. We need to integrate into the security sector and integrate economically into the national economy. So, I think we are on course to do that.
In your previous statement, you expressed your desire to create a unified Somali region that accommodates all ethnic groups. Could you provide insights into how you were able to achieve this goal? How did you address the significant ethnic strife and instability that existed in the region when you assumed power?
I think I can explain what I meant. There was some politically motivated violence against non-Somali’s in Jigjiga. Some of my comments were directly related to that event which was a violence engineered and led by the then leadership of the region for political reasons.
So, we said we don’t want something like that to happen in our region, because it doesn’t represent our people. The Somali people are not against other people who is living in the region.
People have lived together in that region without being attacked. So, we tried to pass that message which really has helped the region to bring everyone together.
It is our firm belief and that is the way it has to be. Morally, any person living in the country should have the rights that anyone would want as a citizen. So, those rights include the right to trade, live, work and all those to be respected.
You may have incidents or issues here and there and sometimes we may have people who want to create internal conflict with different motives, but as a position of the regional government, we have to work to address the creation of an inclusive democratic Ethiopia.
There is a growing chorus of voices suggesting that the ruling party is experiencing a decline in its support base. What is your opinion on the notion that the ruling party is losing its support base?
In what research or assessment is this based on? Can you elaborate, because it may be the feeling of some people, but to arrive at such conclusion, one needs to conduct a proper research.
To my understanding, Ethiopia is always a polarized country, politics is divisive and there are different opinions but to me I don’t see PP losing ground nationally as you put it.
In order to know that, I think the next election would be critical. The last election, as you know, more than ever, was free and people have participated.In many areas the feeling was good. But we still have couple of years to go to the next election. So, let’s see if PP loses in the next election.
Before that I think, there are going to be lots of voices, more debates nationally, but we cannot conclusively say that everything is over on the basis of media statement. I think you need a complete information to say that and as far as the Somali region is concerned, PP is very popular, that I can tell you.
Why, because people see they didn’t have peace before the reform, there were massive human rights violation in the region, there was little development, people see their voice had little standing at the national level and were far lower than today.
So, we can confidently say that we are in a good shape and the support we get from the PP is increasing by day.
The Derg regime claimed to have support from the industrial working class, despite the absence of such a class in reality. In the case of PP, considering the majority of Ethiopians are low-income individuals, who would you say forms the support base of the party?
The support base of the PP is not only the middle class. If you read our political program, unlike past parties like the workers party of Ethiopia during the Derg regime and also the EPRDF party, it doesn’t confine itself to a particular segment of the society.
It says, it seeks support from all walks of life, the farmers, the peasants, the pastoralists, urban professionals, the middle and the lower income citizens and the like. The party seeks to have a base in all sides. It disagrees with the fundamental logic of confining yourself to a particular segment because you are serving the whole population.
So, if at all, the succession with having a political power base during the Derg regime and the EPRDF reign were misplaced. However, PP political program differs from that and it says you don’t have to confine yourself to any particular group.
Anybody who can have a role and a vision of the party and to transform the country from the grips of poverty to a prospering country, can be a support base for the party.
But I think it has to be registered first. Secondly, in terms of economic situation, as you know global and regional factors as well as some national issues too which some of them are inherited were having immense pressure on the economy. And, yes, inflation is a challenge, I think the government has acknowledge that and have put some mechanisms in place to mitigate the impact of inflation on the people. But there is also a lot of economic transformation as you can see in many parts of the country.
For instance, as you can see our agricultural productivity, I believe the figures are remarkable both ata national level as well as from the point of view of the Somali region.
We as a region, have doubled our agricultural productivity. So, of course there is inflation, but the economy is growing. And to that, I believe it is not wrong to aspire to live in a prosperous country. I hear people asking what is the point of talking about the notion of prosperity when you plagued by poverty. But again, there are countries which were poorer than us and transformed their economy in a short period of time.
So, for a country that has rich history, ample natural resource, enough population resource, I think it is normal to aspire to be a prosperous country.
Such belief forms the right mindset but that doesn’t mean we are forgetting that we are poor, that’s why a number of poor support activities are done in the country by the government including the LematTeruffat, cultural production, housing for the poor members of the community, with number of other initiatives that could address the poor sections of our society.
But the overriding vision is that we can change this country into a prosperous country.
There is a prevalent belief among many people that the government is unwilling to engage in negotiations with armed groups as a means to resolve the ongoing conflicts in the country. What are your thoughts on this perspective?
If you look at the recent history of the country, the Pretoria agreement was the first agreement where a sitting government has agreed to sign a peace agreement with a rebel group in the country. That negates with what you said that the government is not ready to solve disputes in the country, because this is one clear example for that.
In this regard, the government was not forced at gun point to sit and to sign a way out from the conflict in Tigray region. The government has also sent a delegation to Tanzania to sit and discuss with OLA rebels including the government’s willingness to discuss with any armed groups that are now operating in Amhara region.
Moreover, after the reform, the government already made this peace settlement with rebels in the Somali region, who have now come active after forming an opposition political party in the region.
The government has also welcomed a number of rebel parties camped in Eritrea after the reform. Are these not good evidences that the government is willing to resolve political differences? I think they are.
So, the burden of proof that the government is not willing to resolve disputes in a peaceful process is on those who say like that, if not, prove me wrong with examples such as those I have stated above.
But of course, the government also has a responsibility to fight any groups who want to take power by force, and I don’t think any government would allow that.
But certain armed groups continue to maintain control over significant portions of rural areas.
There are no rebel group(s), I think, that could threaten the central government. There are conflicts here and there, but I don’t think any of them are able to threaten the central government.
With that said, the fact they are or not a threat to the government should not be the yardstick to measure whether they are harmful or not. They are harmful and hurting the people where they are even local societies, therefore it is the responsibility of the government to end those conflicts. Efforts are underway both in terms of enforcing the rule of law but also setting in place the right political process to heal and address grievances wherever they come from.
So, I think, the national dialogue is one mechanism that try to solve the different conflicts that we are seeing in different parts of the country.
Multiple reports from human rights organizations highlight the widespread magnitude of ongoing violations. In light of these reports, why do you think the government has been unable to effectively address these violations?
Well, if you see the history of the country and at any given period in the last fifty years, there were some kinds of problems. I don’t subscribe to the school of thought that say just because social media has made conflicts more visible in today’s world, we are in the same situation that we were in the past 50 years. And at any given point in the past, there were some sort of insurgencies and war somewhere in the country.
For instance, in the last 30 years, I would say before the reform, the Somali region was literally in a hell. How many people consider that one-third part of the country and the third populous region in the nation was in hell?We have always conflicts at any time in different parts of the country. But today, the social media has made conflicts more visible.
It is good to know what is going on in the country and it is good to talk about it because that brings solution unlike in the past where violations happen without anybody knowing about it. But we also need to put things in perspective.We should not give a picture to what is happening in some part of the country as it never happened before in the country. That is not true.
And again, I am not saying that it is good to have conflicts in the country, but I am just trying paint a comparative picture that happened before in the country and how the situation used to be.
There are differing viewpoints regarding the impact of revising Ethiopia’s constitution. Some argue that revising it would resolve the country’s problems, while others believe that brushingthe constitution would exacerbate the issues at hand. What is your stance on this matter?
My position is that of the political party that I belong to. I believe the constitutions reflect the political realities and power contestation. It is very common and normal to revise and review constitutions when they outlast their usefulness.
Constitutions also by their nature are incomplete which they do not have all the answers.
So, some people say that every generation should have their own constitution because the generation have changed, and therefore the kind of dichotomy that is created between the constitution should be revised or not is for me a false dichotomy.
Revising the constitution should not be problematic.
So, PP’s position is that the constitution can be revised but it does not mean we tear it apart. This is because, the constitution has a lot of fundamental elements that are useful to the country. So, the Party doesn’t subscribe to the school of thought that say the constitution should be avoided/ erased as the whole and doesn’t also say that it cannot be touched. Therefore, it is better to look at the part of the constitution that needs revision and to what extent that it needs to be revised.
In this manner, the national dialogue process will do an inventory to find the key for the contentious points that are dividing Ethiopians. So, that discussion will come up, and I think the right process, which is a referendum, will be organized in order to ensure that what most people would agree becomes the new constitution.
What is the official position of the ruling party regarding the ongoing debate on constitutional revision?
The position of the PP is that the constitution can be revised but also the good part of the constitution’s foundation is still relevant to the political realities of this country. So, it is a centrist position where it discloses individuals and groups rights have to be balanced, ethnic rights have to be respected, but also, we should work together fostering for a common national unity.
This is unlike in the past where only the ethnic differences had been blown-out of proportion. So, it should be better creating common national unity and narration that recognize the differences between different ethnic groups and religion but also emphasizes what unites this people. And I think that is rightly the position of the PP.
Before National Dialogue and constitutional amendments, there is a belief that addressing past injustices is crucial. In your opinion, how do we do that?
I agree that the Transitional Justice is a good mechanism to move forward, if you look at the history of successful nation building projects for a country that passes through the kind of violence ourswent through. You know addressing past injustice in some ways is very helpful.
I believe that the process should go along and provide some way out from the past injustice. But also, at one point, we realize we can’t undo some of the injustices of the past because it is difficult.
Some of the way out will be in terms of narration or some may will be in terms of providing contributive justice, or some may be in terms of using what happen in the past as a lesson and trying to do it differently in order to have national harmony. The initiative is much more than this, but I believe it is important to talk about the past.
In the context of transitional justice in Ethiopia, should the process begin from 2018, 1991, or the time of the Derg regime?
I think that discussion is within the framework of what has been discussed in the Transitional Justice mechanism. Some people argue that we should start from thousands of years, others say that we should start from the 19th century, and others say it should start from the 16th C and others from the Derg or the EPRDF reign starting from the 1991.
In these matters, there are different perspectives but to me, I think, in terms of recording what has happened in our past, we should go as far as we can go to see what went wrong in the state building and formation, and in the kind of past injustice that reflect our side of the history is key. I think, those things can be looked at.
In terms of providing justice to victims, my personal opinion is that we should look at the most recent incidents that happened because individuals or people who were wronged hundreds or three hundred years ago are no longer living. Those are the kind of things that you record but are useful to correct the historical narratives.
But, in terms of providing justice, obviously, you should look at the most recent incidents as much as possible to go back and to do something for victims. His is at least from the pure legal justice perspective. So, I think you know we should do that.
But again, as I said earlier, I think the experts who are part of the TJ mechanism will be discussing the pros and cons of the mechanism to arrive to a cutting age point.
There are rumors circulating about you potentially assuming a new position within the federal government. Can you provide any insights or clarification regarding these rumors?
It is too personal.Let us leave it.
Many people attribute your success to your charismatic leadership. How do you perceive the role of charisma in your achievements?
No comment. Let us leave it at that as well.
The intermittent border conflicts between the Oromia-Somali and Afar-Somali regions have been a source of concern. Can you shed light on the underlying reasons for these conflicts? What are the main factors contributing to the tensions and disputes between these regions?
We have resolved most of the conflicts with Oromia region, of course, neighboring states who share close to 2000km’s of border, it is natural to have clashes here and there between communities, but there are no political conflicts and the two regions are at peace.
We have very good support and agreements with Oromia region and the mentalities are clear with these two people. They are united socio-economically and should prosper together. So, there are incidents that might happen but usually we resolve them together.
Regarding with the conflicts with Afar region, yes, there are some fundamental issues that need to be resolved, and we think it is something that the previous regime had complicated.
And there are people who were displaced from their land and we believe those people should go back from where they were displaced from.
Could you please clarify which side, the Afar or Somali region, is experiencing displacement as a result of the border conflicts?
From Afar side, a lot of Somali people have been displaced. So, discussing about the political administration issues is another thing but the people should keep their land that they used to live on for hundreds of years.
That is the main issue, but we are discussing these matters and I think we will come up witha proper solution.
Why has the government not initiated major projects for underground water supply to combat recurring droughts in Ethiopia?
Drought is recurring because of climate change. Luckily this time around, we don’t have drought and the flow of the rain was very good but as you know, every two or three years the cycle of drought continues. In lowland areas in general the rainfall is much smaller than the rest of the country.
As you rightly say the solution is ground water but the conflict in the region spanning a long period of time, the lack of peace, and the lack of economic advancement forced us not to do that. This means, we were not able to exploit the resources we have but we are trying to do what we can in the last five years.
So, I think, it is important to note that difference. Drought can happen but it should not lead to famine.
I believe the incremental growth into the region over the last couple of years, not only in the past five years, but the investment that have been done in the last 30 years, helps the capabilities of the people to resist shocks.
That’s why we had a worst drought in the last 100 years ago but has not led to the death of people. So, the cycle of drought because of the climate change is increasing but it has not led to famine. We should be working on our resilience and on building community’s capacity to cope with the shocks.
However, climate change is a different matter as well as a global issue and it has become one of the global agendas today but in our capacity what we can do is utilize underground water, harvest rain water and construct micro dams and to use irrigation systems with the water resources that we have.
So, with the plenty of water that we have, we can manage. With water management and improving our agricultural production and livestock modernization, these critical sectors can help us prepare better for drought.
When can we expect natural gas production to begin in Somali?
I don’t have enough information on this.
But, I think, the federal government is doing its best. As you know, oil resource issues are handled at the national level and there are ongoing efforts to build infrastructures able to help to produce as industrial scales unless you do not have the infrastructure.
So, the process of exploring and finding the resource has been done, but assessing how much reserve that we have and also constructing the infrastructure to utilizing the resource is yet to be done. And, I think the federal government is doing its best to ensure the use of these resources as soon as possible.
The Somali region has been identified as a hotspot for contraband activities. Is the state completely powerless in addressing the issue of contraband in the Somali region?
Yes, contraband is a problem in Somali region, and it has been a problem for years, but a lot has been done recently together with the federal customs authority to curtail some of the products going out, especially export of goods and also fuel.
In this manner, we have done somethings, but you have to realize somethings. Since we have a border of over 1000km’s, you cannot protect all of it and when you don’t have the systems to control it, it is inevitable you will have that.
Naturally, with contraband, the assumption is that you seal lands, the sea port, and the air as well and then you establish entry centers. In the situation or in the context of having not that, contraband is going to be an issue but serious efforts have been made in the last couple of years and I think with the amount of good structures and the amount of resources that we prevent going out of the country is showing improvement and it has increased as well.
The export of khat has been experiencing a decline lately due to internal taxation measures and Somalia’s limitations on Ethiopia’s supply. Can you provide more clarity on the matter?
Khat exports have declined. Discussions at the federal level and the regional states are ongoing, and I know the national committee is evaluating the situation and how to resolve the problem.
Additionally, there are unnecessary taxations here and there that might be a problem, but we need to understand the most serious issues, and I believe a holistic investigation is necessary.
In the Somali region, we do not allow taxes on exported Khat.
We have discussed this with the federal government, but there are challenges in terms of contraband as one aspect, and there are also some policy-related issues that need to be resolved.
There are reports suggesting a crackdown on media houses in the Somali region. Could you provide further details about these incidents?
The medias we have banned were media registered in Somalia and operating in Somali regional without license. So, all we asked for them is to go out from the region and to get registered with the Ethiopian Broadcasting Authority. But many of them are not willing to do that because the media sector in Somali’s region is different in how we conduct business in other parts of the country and a number of media houses that have their main offices in Somali region suddenly came in the region and operated using the space that was created.
Now, it was not as such hurtful to the regional government because the kind of propaganda or the issue that they address is normally related with the things that we see in the social media.
There is nothing new we are hiding from the media but it is important that they are admitted and also important that they are registered.
So, when we said you have to register through the broadcasting process, several of them didn’t want to go through that process, but if they want to follow that procedure, we are ready.
The important thing here is not the number of media’s that we have here, but it is the number of perspectives you hear in Somali region.
There is always a difference between plurality and perspective. You can have one thousand media houses that talk about the same thing or you can have two or three media houses which have different perspectives.
So, in terms of perspectives, in our region, I would say there is complete freedom of speech in our region. If you go to Jigjiga today, social media, BBC, VOA, International media, all of them are calling the villagers asking for information, asking for details and we are responding.
Officials go live addressing issues, and you know social media has become as a mainstream media for people and people follow that.
So, there is no interest from our side to curtail freedom of speech but also, we don’t want to encourage yellow journalism by allowing unregistered media to operate in our region, which usually focuses on clan conflicts. This is because, what we see on those media operating in our region, they are usually busy bringing clan narratives in the region which is not helpful at all to our communities.
Every morning you call to a certain elder and say that this community is angry against that community, and those kinds of things are bordering on clan incitement. So that, we don’t allow in our region.
Following the resolution of the northern conflict, Prime Minister Abiy established a national committee aimed at combating increasing corruption. However, reports suggest that the anti-corruption efforts have not been successful. Can you provide more information on the matter?
I think the anticorruption task force that the Prime Minister has organized have done a lot and the reports are out there that shows how many cases have been identified.
And I think it is also good in terms of deterrence showing that something is going to be done about this. I believe, it is important to build the moral of the society also to build the institutions that detect and protect against fraud and the bad practices.
At the same time, it is also equally important to set the political commitment at higher level. And again, the formation of the Commission was a statement of intent by the PM and the ruling party